财新传媒 财新传媒

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2006-4-7 The latest buzz on Chinese politics is "interest group", even "powerful interst group". The press and some politicians are using these words more frequently. The existence of powerful interest groups in China is finally acknowledged, meaning conflicting interests are not fully co-opted by "democratic centralism" as claimed by a corporatist state.

So far the term is derogative, something that the state should guard itself against, as if the state is still prestine and neutral.

Academic interest group theory however thinks all political and government process, on the national as well as local levels, are the result of pressure from interest group(s) or interaction among interest groups. That means that wealth transfer and distribution of public goods are to a large extent determined by the strength of various interest groups. The weak and the unorganized will get the shorter end of the stick.

The personality of political decision-makers may not count as much; ideology may not be a good indicator of the political process; left and right labels are losing their explanation power.

China watchers have long used a quasi-interest group theory to analysis Chinese power politics -- the factions, the departments, the princeling party, and even the field marshal scion networks. They may not be far off the mark. 

Now these entrenched earlier interest groups have evolved and multiplied and adapted to the state-led market economy, and the target is power AND wealth.

According to academic interest group theory, in some parts of the world the imbalance of wealth transfers can be re-balanced through power shift by election. What is the balancing mechanism here?

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陈冠中

陈冠中

77篇文章 7年前更新

香港作家。生于上海,长于香港,曾在台湾居住,现居北京。先后就读于香港大学与美国波士顿大学。绿色力量、绿田园有机农场、香港电影导演会等发起人,现任绿色和平国际懂事。1976年创办生活潮流月刊《号外》。曾在90年代中期任《读书》海外出版人。著有小说“香港三部曲”(《太阳膏的梦》、《什么都没有发生》、《金都茶餐厅》)《盛世》、《裸命》,评论集《城市九章》等。

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